Early in the afternoon, the president of the popular

Party participated in the sevillian capital at a lunch in support of the general secretary of the pp of andalusia, antonio sanz , which was attended by three hundred and fifty people. At seven in the afternoon, in mairena del aljarafe , rajoy presided over a rally in support of ricardo tarno, a popular candidate for mayor, in a town governed by the socialists for 32 years. A thousand or so people attended the event. And Special Database at half past eight he went, in a hotel in seville, to the presentation of a book about the popular candidate for mayor, juan ignacio zoido, written by the journalist carlos navarro. There were more than a thousand attendees, including the duchess of alba, the morancos, and the designers vittorio and luchino .Jiménez defended in the upper house that the concept of “ political prisoners ” is determined by international organizations and none have so far classified any imprisoned person in the country of hugo chávez in that way. However, both amnesty international and human rights watch certify that judge maría afiuni is, indeed, a “political prisoner.” also, the office of the un high commissioner for human rights certifies that the judge is a political prisoner. Another body that classifies afiuni as a “political prisoner” is the inter-american court of human rights .



Given these events, numerous voices have demanded that the minister recant. For example, alek boyd – read the letter she sent him here. Or the pnv senator, Iñaki anasagasti , who was the one who asked the minister and who in the next week will demand a coherent explanation from trinidad jiménez. Jiménez's words have reached venezuela. The “political prisoners” themselves have written a letter demanding an apology from the minister. It is signed by 24 imprisoned during the mandate of hugo chávez and they reproach him that “saying that there are no cuban political prisoners in venezuela is identically the same as saying that eta members are not terrorists .”the president of the government received with enormous anger the news, which he did not know in advance, that the 'number two' of the executive had decided to suddenly dismiss the head of the cis . He also found out when he was outside spain , in brussels, attending the european council where sarkozy's decision to expel gypsy immigrants was discussed. Zapatero found himself with the fait accompli, because the vice presidency announced the dismissal on september 16, before it was effective because the agreement was made the next day in the council of ministers.







Once the news was released, which was presented as an “ agreed dismissal ”, zapatero could no longer disavow the vice president. A power on the margins the president of the government's deep discomfort was due to several circumstances, according to a source with access to la moncloa with whom el confidencial digital has spoken : -- de la vega had not consulted zapatero about anything. -- the announcement of the dismissal had been made when he was outside of spain . -- belén barreiro was a person the president trusted , not only because of her professional qualifications, but also because since 2004 she had worked in the cabinet of the presidency of the government, as an advisory member in the department of analysis and studies, under the orders by josé enrique serrano . According to sources close to the presidency of the government, upon learning of the dismissal of the director of the cis, rodríguez zapatero definitively came to the conclusion that fernández de la vega had created ' an autonomous power group ' in la moncloa, and that he was making decisions apart from the president himself .